The first National Consultative Conference of the ANC was held at Morogoro, Tanzania, from 25 April to 1 May The conference has become known as the. A thread that runs all the way back to the ANC’s watershed consultative conference held in April in Morogoro in Tanzania darts through. of the Second National Consultative Conference of the African National Congress – Zambia. the post-Morogoro Conference period up to the present stage of our struggle. .. At this stage the Resolutions Committee presented its report. 2.
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The second part of the Conference proceedings was taken up by Commission and Plenary Sessions on the reports of the various commissions. Despite the fact that the majority of our members are inside the country, the National Consultative Conference can take decisions on the question and explain to the rest how we came to such conclusions.
There is no instrument for measuring this. The riot, the street fight, the outburst of unorganised violence, individual terrorism; these were symptoms of the militant spirit but not pointers to revolutionary technique. The two million strong Coloured Community and three quarter million Indians suffer varying forms of national humiliation, discrimination and oppression.
It is par excellence the weapon of the materially weak against the materially strong. The understanding was that some of the aspects raised in these reports would come up in commissions.
But none of this detracts from the basically national context of our liberation drive. The report also gave some examples of the damage caused by these agents, starting from the period of ‘Operation Clean-up’ to the ‘Rebellion’ we had in the West last year. The general strikes as a method of political mobilisation was suppressed with the utmost vigour and by the end of the fifties could no longer be effectively employed as an instrument of mass struggle.
The method of elections was Secret Ballot. This is so because even in the typical colonial-type situation armed struggle becomes feasible only if:.
The messages were read out to Conference in instalments throughout the duration of Redolutions. This was possible because most of the discussions had taken place during the pre-Conference preparatory work and in the various commissions held during Conference itself.
In his closing remarks, the President, Comrade OR Tambo, pointed out that the preparations for the Conference have been going on for a period of a year. It demands, too, the dominance in our thinking of achievement over drama.
The role patriotic chiefs could play and those elements not fully committed to the regime resolutionx emphasised. The prosecution of the struggle requires the increased infiltration of trained cadres and an effort to reduce our reliance on ordnance and logistical support from outside by increasingly seizing our arms from the enemy.
These leaders who were unable to adjust to the new revolutionary mood even before the policy of the preparations for organised armed resistance fell by the wayside. When opening the Conference, the President, Comrade O,R Tambo, started off by underlining that our Conference was taking place in the wake of increasing violence and acts of aggression conferfnce assassinations by the Pretoria regime.
Our drive towards national emancipation is therefore in a very real way bound up with economic emancipation.
Do photos of ANC`s Morogoro conference exist? – NEWS & ANALYSIS | Politicsweb
Using the ANC’s own archives as well as new sources including the records of the East German state security service, the Stasi, this book tells the full story of the ANC in exile for the first time.
In the light of those considerations, it is clear that it was only after the victory of the anti imperialist forces in the Second World War and the tide of independence in Africa, Asia, and Latin America, combined with the zig-zags of struggle inside South Africa in the last fifty years which by the beginning of the sixties demanded a move in the direction of armed struggle.
Historically both communities have played a most important part in the stimulation and intensification of the struggle for freedom. Without such a unity the enemy easily multiplies and the attainment of a people’s victory is delayed.
What is our measuring rod for revolutionary policy? One of the main methods of destabilising our ranks was to infiltrate as many specially trained agents into our midst as possible. The sabotage campaign was an earnest indication of our seriousness in the pursuit of this new strategy. In the last resort it is only the success of the national democratic revolution which – destroying the existing social and economic relationship – will bring with it a correction of the historical injustices perpetrated against the indigenous majority and thus lay the basis for a new – and deeper internationalist – approach.
This did not happen.
Morogoro Conference – Wikipedia
It is obvious therefore confference policy and organisational structures must grow out of the real situation if they are not to become meaningless cliches.
The liberation surge towards independence of the African continent which marked the late fifties and early sixties had an important bearing on our own situation. The messages are compiled separately and are attached to this report. To search the O’Malley archive please click here.
This was a period of organisational growth. What is more, the roots of the dominant nation cinference been embedded in our country by more than three centuries of presence.
The response of the state towards the Congress of the People Campaign and the adoption of the Freedom Charter demonstrated its intention to crush what had previously been accepted as legitimate expressions for equality. These monolithic tendencies are reinforced confernece a Hitler-like feeling of confidence that the fortress resolutionz impregnable and unassailable for all time. Indeed, during this “peaceful” stage in our struggle hardly a year passed without massacres of our people by the army and police.
When we talk of revolutionary armed struggle, we are talking of political struggle by means which include the use of military force even though once force as a tactic is introduced it has the most confsrence consequences on every aspect of our activities. The Secretary General’s report was followed by the Treasurer General’s report on the financial standing of the Movement. It must be combined with a more intensive programme of research, examination and analysis of the conditions of the different state of our people in particular those on the landtheir local grievances, hopes and aspirations, so that the flow from theory to application – when the morigoro makes application possible will be unhampered.
It will not be easy to eliminate some of its more tragic consequences. The report outlines broad guidelines for a political syllabus, as well as recommendations to ensure its morogoroo. The President then proceeded to read the message that came from Comrade Nelson Mandela and our leaders in jail. He can draw on fairly large manpower resources. Germany, France and the United States and Resolutons who have an enormous stake in ressolutions economy of our country constitute a formidable support for the Apartheid regime.
The heightened political ferment both here and on our continent reflected itself in the growth and further maturing of all sections of the liberation front.
It is thus an alien body only in the historical sense. They will try to raise a doubt in their minds about whether there is a place for them in a future liberated South Africa. At confeence stage the Resolutions Committee presented its report. After the first batch of fraternal messages were read out, the President delivered his political statement to Conference.
South Africa was conquered by force and is today ruled by force. Some networks within the exiled ANC became heavily involved in corruption, even colluding with elements of the apartheid security police and secret services.